Ding Xuexiang, member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Vice Premier of the State Council, made his first public appearance to the media on Hong Kong and Macao affairs on 9 November, following his video attendance at the Belt and Road Summit held in Hong Kong in September at the Great Hall of the People.
It has been reported that Ding Xuexiang will succeed former Executive Vice Premier Han Zheng as the head of the Central Leading Group for Hong Kong and Macao Affairs, in charge of Hong Kong and Macao affairs. Through these two public activities, it is believed that Ding Xuexiang will guide more of the specific work of Hong Kong and Macao affairs at the front desk in the future, and the activities he participated in these two times clearly demonstrate the core concern of the central government for Hong Kong, that is, under the drastic changes in the international situation, Hong Kong must be integrated into the national development strategy, and the development space of young people is the meaning of the topic.
Ding Xuexiang put forward two or four points of hope in the two activities. One is to hope that Hong Kong will deepen regional cooperation with the mainland, improve financial services, focus on professional talents, and strengthen people-to-people exchanges. The other is to hope that young people can clearly understand the general trend of national and world development, strengthen the study of the history of the country and the nation, take a firm stand in the face of major issues of right and wrong, and actively integrate into the overall development of the country in line with the situation.
This is undoubtedly a top-level version of the "four hopes" put forward by President Xi Jinping at the celebration of the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland - strive to improve the level of governance, continuously enhance the momentum of development, effectively alleviate people's livelihood difficulties, and jointly maintain harmony and stability. This kind of back-and-forth echo can clearly demonstrate the political logic of the CPC's governance and the extensibility of its policy operation.
Many Hong Kong officials have been confused about how to understand the CCP's political language, and they have constantly "repeated" the language of the leaders without understanding how to translate this language into concrete governance actions. Just as Xi Jinping stressed that Hong Kong should solve "deep-seated contradictions and problems" and break down "barriers of solidified interests", they have not attracted enough attention and repercussions in Hong Kong.
What exactly is the intention of these two "breaks"? In fact, they point out what is happening in Hong Kong, where the root causes are, and how to act around the root causes, and require the ability and courage of the rulers to solve the problems. Moving to another level is to take the root causes of the problem as the object of reform, and the most central task of reform is to eliminate these root causes, rather than thinking that the problem can be solved by staying at "loving the country and loving Hong Kong".
When Ding Xuexiang met with representatives of young people from Hong Kong and Macao, he also talked about the root cause of the problem of young people. When talking about why Hong Kong and Macao young people should cultivate a strong sense of family and country and inherit the glorious tradition of loving the country and Hong Kong, he pointed out in the form of self-questioning and self-answering: Why did the black riots occur in Hong Kong? It's because those young people don't even know who their country is, but this can't all be blamed on young people, and managers also need to reflect. He also mentioned the "four hopes" for young people, and elaborated on them one by one based on historical stories and data, and then talked about "study, employment, entrepreneurship and home ownership" of young people, and asked various government departments to create development opportunities and conditions.
If the "Four Industries Problem" cannot be resolved, young people will not have a future, and it will be even more difficult to say that society will be stable, and "one country, two systems" will not be able to achieve stability and long-term success. I wonder if Hong Kong officials at all levels can use this logic to continuously expand the development space of young people and reshape their upward path?
Four years have passed since the fierce anti-extradition bill protests in 2019, and Hong Kong cannot afford to waste any more time. At present, a large number of deep-seated contradictions and problems are waiting to be resolved, and the barriers of solidified interests are still being shelved. As Lau Siu-kai, an adviser to the National Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies, recently said, even if the pro-democracy faction is not in the governing system, the patriotic camp cannot rest on its laurels, and hopes that more "reformers" will come out to promote Hong Kong's progress through rational and pragmatic ideas, and seek reform in terms of policies and systems.
If Hong Kong's elite is still obsessed with the "glorious years", whether it is Xi Jinping, Ding Xuexiang and Xia Baolong, how to explain Hong Kong's condition in detail, when the prescription cannot be fed to the "patient", it will be all in vain. Hong Kong's governance group needs to travel back to this new era and lift the rigidity of thinking, so that they can be able to look at and hear.