I am not a politician, so I do not offer solutions.

But I will allow myself to formulate a dozen questions that politicians should answer.

These questions are not only my personal questions, in one form or another they have been asked and hotly discussed in society recently.

1. In Belarusian history, between public uprisings and uprisings, there were quite long periods of reaction and public apathy.

This was the case after the uprising of 1831, after the uprising of 1863, in the most recent era - after the Square-2010.

Do you expect a new social upsurge, and if so, why?

2. In 2020, the goal of

ousting Lukashenka

united the majority of Belarusians.

Is there currently a positive program that would appeal to the majority?

Is the goal of 2020 able to unite the majority even now?

Or is it not necessary at all, and a determined minority can and should impose its values ​​and goals on the majority?

3. In the 10s, TUT.BY reigned in the information space of Belarus, in 2020 there was an explosion in the popularity of Telegram channels.

Now the legal independent media have been destroyed, the use of illegal media causes difficulties and warnings for many, and there is a legal responsibility for using them.

As a result, the audience of alternative communication channels has significantly decreased.

Are there ideas for rebuilding new information distribution channels?

4. In 2020, the vast majority of politicians, public figures, and the media agreed that the protest should be peaceful.

Now some call the lesson of 2020 that a peaceful protest cannot defeat such a system as it is now in Belarus.

Meanwhile, the other, non-peaceful project of Shchigelskyi

-Fiaduta-Ziankovich-Kastusev

also did not bear much fruit, to put it mildly.

Does the 2020 consensus remain in favor of only peaceful, non-violent means of struggle?

5. Now, many opposition political forces declare a unequivocally pro-European choice.

However, according to sociological surveys, despite Russia's aggression against Ukraine (or even because of it), the geopolitical choice of the majority of Belarusians is not in favor of Europe.

In your opinion, despite this, the opposition forces should declare the choice that the minority adheres to?

6. Numerous sociological polls show a very high degree of polarization in Belarusian society, staunch supporters of Lukashenka (who are not one of the executioners of GUBAZIK) and staunch opponents of Lukashenka hate each other, perceive each other as their enemies.

Should we aim to mend this rift?

If so, by what means can this be achieved?

7.

Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya

's office is her apparatus, the institute of her assistants and advisers.

Is it possible and expedient to create some kind of public policy-making body from such politicians as Svetlana Tikhanovskaya,

Paval Latushka, Valer Tsapkala, and Zyanon Pazniak?

8. In March, Paval Latushka and Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya proposed the idea that Belarus is now occupied by Russia.

However, for 5 months, this idea did not receive any international support at the government level.

What are the hopes based on what will be received in the future?

Does it bear political fruit even without international support?

9. How expedient is the creation of a government in exile and the announcement of Tikhonov as president?

What are the chances of international recognition of these steps, have consultations been conducted with the governments of Western countries?

10. There is experience of several waves of mass emigration from Belarus.

At the same time, in the past, the Belarusian diaspora did not play a significant role in the domestic political life of the metropolis.

What are the ways to increase the social and political role of the Belarusian diaspora?

The opinions expressed in the blogs represent the views of the authors themselves and do not necessarily reflect the position of the editors.