Aleksandar Kabanov

together with

ran the YouTube channel "People's Reporter".

They gained great fame when they covered the situation surrounding the construction of a battery factory in Brest.

's press secretary

.

In a long interview for Radio Svaboda, Aleksandar Kabanov talked about how he trained Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, about his relationship with her husband Sergey, about bullying in the Navapolat colony, and about how, after his release, he tried to get a job as the editor-in-chief of the Berezovsky district newspaper.

"There was an ambush in the clinic"

- They wrote that in June 2020 you were detained when they called you to the clinic.

Was everything like that?

- Yes.

It must be understood that I was in quarantine due to the coronavirus.

The employees of the health and emergency department and the police came (they periodically visited me), told me to come to the clinic and pass the tests.

There was already an ambush in the clinic itself.

This was clear from the uncertain behavior of the doctors, who looked askance at each other.

Young guys who were drawn into this ugly story.

I tell them: "Can I refuse the tests, because the previous ones were already negative?"

They say: "Well, apparently so."

The faces are surprised, they don't know what to do.

"Can I go?"

- "Well, go."

When I go out, I see that there are "little green men" sitting in the corridor, they were in civilian clothes.

I still waved my hands to them and heard that some movement had begun.

I managed to get to "Euroopt", where I was surrounded, everything was neat, without physical strength, they just invited me to the minibus.

She was still an administrator

- Did you understand then that it could end in a criminal case?

- I understood that I would end up in a criminal case, but I didn't know for what.

I knew I didn't need them on the loose before the election.

Plus I was warned by people I trust that there would be a criminal case so I should seek an attorney.

I had to serve five days in administrative detention, when the investigators came to the cell and took me for a search.

And then I realized that that was it.

"You are being harassed by journalists, but you are hiding from them"

- Tell us about your role in Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya's team.

- There was no special role, to be honest.

I don't know if Tikhonovskaya is "for" me to tell, but I think that there is no big secret here.

Sergei (Tsikhanovsky, RS) and I were in contact, but we did not have a very close relationship.

I did not know that he has a wife, that her name is Svetlana.

Somehow, a phone call from an unfamiliar number is heard: "Hello, I'm so-and-so, Siarhei gave your number through a lawyer and said that he trusts only you.

And if I need any help, to call only you."

I answer, well, what help can I provide, I won't get him out of prison?

She answers: "I am going to the elections, and you have experience.

Parliamentary elections, collection of signatures, could it help?"

And I have coronavirus, hospital.

I say, I can tell you something remotely.

As a result, I was introduced to a general chat, I started doing something about Brest and the region.

It seems to me that Tikhonovskaya's biggest problem was interaction with the media.

I say: "The campaign is set up, let it go on its own, and I will deal with issues with the press.

Sveta, you are being harassed by journalists, you are hiding from them - this is not normal.

It is necessary to go out into the world - this is a presidential campaign, you should be its face."

I started preparing Svetlana for the interview, conducted training sessions.

The first interview was for the BBC.

He worked on her image, although not an image maker.

When we talked, I understood that she was a housewife, she did not understand where she was going.

It was necessary to support morally.

I introduced her to many people, some of whom are still with her today.

I say: "Honey, there are people you can trust."

Gave contacts, brought them together.

Of course, I played a role, but I don't think it was very significant.

There were several moments when she was tired, a minibus was on duty at the entrance, and Sveta said that she needed to get out of this company.

And I persuaded her that there is no need to do this.

She asked me several times to provide the media with information that she was being removed from the company.

I refused to do it: "Look at these people who are standing in lines, they have already started to be closed, pressed.

You took responsibility."

And I'm very glad that everything turned out the way it did.

"You don't want to be the new Lukashenko"

- Did you immediately see the potential in her?

- Of course.

The fact is that when we had trainings at a distance, I sent her a text so that she would read it on camera later, and then I talked about various mistakes, told her how to behave.

And I was surprised by her memory.

She literally ten minutes later could repeat this text without stuttering!

And the text is big.

"Did you remember it or do you have a sheet?"

- "I remembered," he answers.

- Did you introduce her politically?

- Of course.

I warned not only her, but also the team that all this could end up in prison - so they would understand what they were getting into.

Many took this information in such a way that I decided to just scare them.

I say, you don't understand a bit, look at the previous campaigns, how they ended - crackdowns, arrests, candidates in prisons.

It is necessary to understand how everything ended.

I gave her a schedule of who Yarmoshyna is, how it works, who will be registered, who will not.

Absolutely everything.

I immediately said that Tsapkala and Babaryka will not be in the lists.

"Sveta, maybe only you will remain, and maybe you won't be there either," he told her then.

All this was discussed.

Also discussed was a program that did not exist.

Immediately in our conversations, now it is possible to speak, I said that it is too late to study political science, economics, to seem reasonable to everyone.

"You are a housewife who does not agree with what is happening in the country, you have a husband, you do not want to be the president, dictator, the new Lukashenko.

It's not yours.

You want changes to take place in the country, and for this you are ready to take certain steps.

You are ready to become the president in order to hold fair elections in the country and then leave this position."

At that moment, it was definitely not hers.

But there were no other options.

"Sergey, wake up!"

- What do you think about Serhiy Tsikhanovsky?

- Man is complicated, I'll be honest.

But we are all complicated in some way.

He has character, and character was necessary for what he did.

Without character, you should not become a blogger or journalist, because you will quickly break down.

Sergei is very stubborn, goes head-to-head with everyone.

We met in Brest, when he and Petruhin came to us for an interview.

Then they communicated with each other, Sergei says: "Now there are parliamentary elections, we are winning here and there."

I say: "Sergei, wake up, wake up!

Do you understand how the elections are organized, the situation in the country?".

- "No, I came here, we will win."

The goal-directedness has skyrocketed, even if it is sometimes a little unrealistic.

But, in principle, in terms of blogging, he is a professional.

He knew what to do, felt people, the channel was developing.

He became famous all over the world.

— How do you assess the role of bloggers in that company?

Was it some kind of phenomenon?

- This is not a phenomenon.

It's just that the authorities did not calculate.

I remember programs on BT, where pro-government experts said that bloggers are nobody at all.

Shunevich was asked about bloggers.

And he laughs back and asks: "Who are they anyway?"

They are not professionals and it gives them away.

They did not calculate anything.

The media were blocked, but they did not understand that thought leaders appeared who were not under their control and whom people began to trust.

Bloggers made content that was interesting to people, and the authorities thought that everything would be done by TV and the money they threw at the azarons.

They did not understand that it was a "tashnilavka" that got everyone.

It was such an underestimation.

"I didn't expect this in 2020"

— How did the prisoners receive news about the events in the country in 2020?

- I was on Valadarka then.

Some media also came there - "Brestskaya gazeta".

Letters arrived, rumors.

On August 9, I understood that something was happening in Minsk, because I woke up to explosions and gunshots in the middle of the night.

I thought it was a salute in honor of the elections?

There was also a TV, from which you can pull something out, turn it over and understand what is happening.

Then political prisoners began to appear, who were put in a cell with me.

They told what they saw and what they participated in.

I was shocked.

I did not expect this.

- Did you think what the scenario would be?

- If I were free, I would perceive everything differently.

I thought that there would be regular elections, everyone would be dispersed, arrested.

The protests will last a maximum of a week, everything will return to the traditional course and Belarus will remain the same.

I did not expect such a change.

- Which of the politicians did you encounter on Valadarka?

- Of the memorable ones - Viktor Kuvshinov from PandaDoc.

He was not long in our cell.

Very interesting guy, educated.

Why is he remembered?

Because nobody was particularly touched, people sat quietly.

Viktor, on the other hand, went to prison almost immediately - because, when he was being taken to the lawyer, he met someone in the corridor.

No one was imprisoned for this, at most a reprimand, but he is given 7 days in prison.

Only he comes out - and literally two days later they draw up a report for the fact that he slept, although he did not.

But we beat him with the whole camera.

They wrote a statement that 12 people can confirm that he did not sleep.

And very quickly he was transferred to Zhodzin.

He talked about what he was doing, about PandaDoc.

"It was lucky that I was in the hospital with the coronavirus"

- You were sentenced to three years of imprisonment.

In the Belarusian system, does this mean that there was nothing against you at all?

- Nothing at all.

"according to the investigation, according to the investigation" is everywhere in the case materials.

Initially, they accused me of something completely different, and then they turned it around when they realized that it was impossible to tie something at all.

At first, I was accused that Tsikhanovsky and I staged a riot in Hrodna.

I was lucky that I was in the hospital with the coronavirus then.

And information came from Brest that I was with them.

I simply could not physically be there.

The investigator told me directly: "You will sit."

He was an investigator of the Central Office of the Investigative Committee.

Very serious, almost a manicure on the hands, all so pathetic, serious.

I don't remember the last name, it's in the papers.

I don't want to remember these bastards.

- Were you pressured during the preliminary investigation?

- No.

There was no pressure.

I was not summoned anywhere or threatened.

I received transfers, missed letters and postcards.

The fact that the investigation did not stick did not upset anyone.

Like the fact that I pleaded not guilty.

- What impression did the Mogilev court leave?

- And I wasn't there!

My sentence was read to me in prison.

They brought us to the first hearing, took off the handcuffs, and put us in a cage.

I noticed that some incomprehensible people were sitting in the hall.

And there are no more places.

I say that relatives, friends, journalists came to me from Brest.

They answer me: "Whoever gets up first gets the slippers."

- "Okay, in that case, we will postpone the process.

I won't let you carry it."

They ask me: "Do you have any objections?"

- "Yes, to the judge."

- "Rejects.

Still?"

- "Yes, to the judge."

- "Rejects".

And so I repeated five times.

As a result, the judge removed me.

Well, it's good that they didn't take it anymore.

It is difficult to ride in handcuffs every time, to sit in a cage, to watch the circus.

This is a bad change of scenery.

It is better to sit quietly in the cell.

If I knew that I would let my relatives go, whom I have not seen for a long time, then this is one thing.

But I understood

"Any political person is made a malicious trespasser"

- How was it in the Navapolat colony?

- "Fun".

Colony means torture and beating.

- Were you beaten?

- Not me.

They tried once, but they looked at the age or something else.

Colony is a SHIZA from which I did not get out.

Any political person in the colony is made a malicious violator of the regime.

So that people understand what it is... They come to you and say: "Your button is unbuttoned and you didn't say hello, you will be prosecuted."

Then they come and say: "Your bedside table is not cleaned, there will be an act."

The third time they come: "You don't have 2,000 cigarettes, but 2,000 and one - there will be an act."

That's it, you're an angry violator of the regime.

And you suddenly become especially dangerous - for violations that did not happen in principle.

Violations cannot be disputed.

After five days in the colony, I already had five acts, and after one of them I was made to wash the toilets.

Toilets in the colony are cleaned by people of low social status.

If you go to such

then you automatically become a person with a low status.

This is one of the instruments of pressure on prisoners.

They need to be locked up in SHIZA - put on toilets, make violators - put on toilets.

Naturally, I refuse and end up in the SHIZA alone for thirty days.

And at five in the morning we get up, and at six - breakfast, at eleven - lunch, and at four - dinner.

And that's it.

- What helps to psychologically endure in such conditions?

- Thoughts.

Memories.

You think about relatives and friends.

You make some plans, because you understand that sooner or later you will get out of there.

Life goes on.

I somehow endure these month or two.

You try to think positively, and to reject this situation.

As if you are not here at all, but in another place.

You are fishing with your loved ones.

We need to rebuild and live on.

"I had an autopsy, they put 68 stitches"

- You didn't give up there, did you?

- No, never.

There were very difficult situations.

Not that the edge beyond which nothing can be seen.

You just understand that it's hopeless now, and you don't know what to do.

I opened my arms, because I realized that I could return to a complete disability if this went on a little longer.

They tried to freeze me.

They put him in a cell without heating in November, put him on a bunk under the very window that was opened;

opened the ventilation.

As if I can sleep, there are bunk beds, but there is no pillow, no blanket, nothing.

The chamber is all in tiles, an ice chamber, steam comes out of the mouth.

In order to stay there, you need to constantly push up, squat;

never sitting still, always on the move.

A day goes by, but they leave you to fend for yourself.

You understand that you need to sleep.

But if you lie down, you will freeze some organs or something else.

And you need to sit like that not for one day, but for ten.

No one beats you, no one threatens you, they just keep you in this cold room.

In such a case, the only way out is to go to the hospital.

Make it clear to the administration that you're going to screw yourself up.

When the employee came, the whole cell was covered in blood.

I was taken to a hospital in Navapolatsak, 68 stitches were applied.

Then I was transferred to a "normal" cell (well, how normal - at SHIZA, all cells are cold).

Scars from cuts on both hands of Alexander

- What else can you tell about the colony?

- Support is felt within the contingent - detainees, convicts.

They help each other, support each other morally, say good things.

I was told that three years is nonsense.

Someone can treat you with food, cigarettes, and tea.

Share information.

A huge minus is the sadists in the Navapolat colony.

The boss loves when it hurts, when a person is afraid.

"And suddenly Babarika will become the president tomorrow?"

- Did you cross paths with Babarik?

- Yes, but they were not in contact.

This is impossible when in different squads.

There is no opportunity in the industrial zone either.

At "one", everyone knows that contacts with Babaryk end in SHIZA.

A vacuum is created around him, many "knockers" who make sure that no one approaches him.

He himself does not go to anyone, he walks by himself.

He tries not to even say hello to anyone, so as not to frame them.

Babaryka was assigned to one of the most difficult jobs - coal.

He does not admit guilt, there is pressure on him.

But not only the prisoners, but also the administration do not talk to him.

Is it an internal decision, or are they afraid of it.

I talked to some, asked why you don't talk to Babarik.

"And suddenly he will become the president tomorrow, well, he's crazy.

Who knows how to turn around.

Suddenly we will enter Russia, and he has Miller there, he becomes a major official and will not say hello to us."

"There is no time for anything in the colony"

- What is a closed prison in Mogilev?

- I was glad that they took me there, although there was a strict no-show regime.

But there were no sadists there.

There they culturally addressed "you".

When I was there under investigation, I learned everything.

They told me that if you sit properly, don't make any noise, you will come out fine.

I replied that I would serve my term and leave quietly.

I didn't even have SHIZA, I got there only at the very end.

- What is the fundamental difference between a colony and a prison?

- There is absolutely no personal time in the colony.

Everything is begma and begma.

You come to the dining room - eat your food in a couple of minutes, move on.

Six days in the colony is an industrial zone.

I tore the wire, the cables are like that, then this metal was handed over.

I earned about 80 kopecks per month.

There is not even time to write a letter.

After SHIZ, I was given a "broom" for 30 days, two hours a day after the industrial zone to walk on the "flyover" between the squads with this broom.

And it doesn't matter whether it's clear there, whether it's raining, or something else, it's crushed.

Then dinner.

There is no time to wash clothes, drink tea, or read a book.

I read a lot of books on "Crypt".

The librarian even said that I got it because he brought me three books twice a week.

On "Krytka" there is chess, some application, albeit limited.

You can write a letter.

This is very important.

Some camaraderie exists there.

"You're cool now"

- "Stukačov" were set up for you?

- Of course, how can we do without it.

Everything is so stupid there.

There was such a comrade from Ukraine who was imprisoned under the narcotics article 328: he tried to import several grams of anasha from Lithuania.

He himself is from Kherson, the city was still occupied.

He somehow comes to the cell, no one has any transfers or parcels, but he comes with a parcel.

He says his brother sent him from Moscow.

He opens the parcel, and there are cigarettes, tea, underwear, socks.

Everything with Belarusian tags.

"Brother sent from Moscow?"

And all this was in our "atavara".

"Didn't "Opera" give you all this?"

Everyone is roaring in the cell.

Well, how can you get burned?

We are interested in what the "opera" asked about.

"Well, I asked about you, about that, about that," he replies.

Nobody did anything to him.

Well, you're sitting, fool, - keep sitting.

Nothing interesting happened in our cell.

- How did you find out about the war?

- From a lawyer.

Two weeks from the start.

We didn't know anyone.

The man who was taking me to the meeting asked if I knew what was going on at all.

Well, how do I know?

We have no radio, no TV, nothing.

He says, you're going crazy when a lawyer brings you news.

I start reading and I don't understand: "A real war?"

— "Yes, with tanks, missiles, ships."

I was shocked.

The camera didn't understand either.

I couldn't imagine that there could be a war between Russia and Ukraine.

- Whose side are people on?

- Ukrainians, Russians, and Belarusians sat there.

Someone for Russia, someone for Ukraine.

But there is a compromise in the chamber, there should be no conflicts in the chamber.

Issues are resolved;

everything that happens behind the walls affects us little.

We are here, and we have to live here.

Let's collect information simply.

"Nezavisimaya gazeta" still came to me then, we read it, we figured it out.

I conducted political information.

He offered to think about who Putin is, why he is treated positively.

And yes, people's thoughts were changing.

"An hour after the release, I already thought it was a dream"

- What was the most difficult in prison?

- The first meeting.

I had a lump in my throat for two weeks.

The meeting was over the phone through the glass.

It was after the end of the trial.

I didn't even know about the verdict and the date.

I was just taken out of the cell.

They bring me to the appointment room, I pick up the phone, I see those eyes...

- What was the most enjoyable part of imprisonment?

— Support of people.

Letters, postcards.

There were a lot of letters the first time.

They were also later.

But letters came steadily from five or six people.

I was never given anything from the others.

It was nice when the lawyer conveyed his greetings.

He could never call home from Navopolatsk.

And he could call from Mogilev once a month.

It was much easier.

I had a diary where I wrote the numbers in descending order.

From five hundred days to one.

He briefly described the events: who came to the cell, from whom the letter.

You open your diary and realize that there were five hundred days, and now three hundred, and now one hundred and fifty, one hundred. You try to find the positive in everything.

Time flies fast there, it is uniform, therefore fast.

The main thing is to load yourself with work.

These are scanwords, sudoku, Japanese crosswords where you have to draw (I've never done them before), books.

Time is running out.

Before the very liberation (whether my organism is like that, or human in general), you don't believe that you will get out.

At first you don't believe that you are in prison, and then that you will get out: even if you find yourself outside the gate, people will come up, show your ID and offer to walk with them.

Insomnia started a week before the release.

He slept for a maximum of an hour.

I lay with my eyes closed on the floor in SHIZA and just scrolled through what was going to happen.

When I left the gate, got into the car, an hour later I had the feeling that it was a dream and you weren't there, that it wasn't with me, but with someone else.

"They should kneel, not me"

- Were you offered to write a request for pardon?

- Oh, how many times.

Vozniasensky, oh, Vaskrasensky - one letter, the second, the third, the fourth.

I throw them away.

But he answered the first one, because he didn't know who it was.

He asked: "And who are you?"

The answer never came.

I asked through a lawyer, they explained it to me.

The letters went down the toilet.

I asked to get off me.

The operative called and asked if I would write a request.

"No, of course."

- "And you will not admit guilt?"

- "No."

- "And it's not important, because you will sit like everyone else, I'll just find out for myself."

- Why didn't you write?

- To whom?

Where?

For pardon?

This freak?

It's a mess, let's put it simply.

It's like kneeling before them and saying, "Forgive me, you sinful fool."

No.

It is they who should kneel before the people and ask for forgiveness.

The jailer used to come to me (he walked with a red armband and a notebook): "Are you going to write for pardon?"

- "And what's your business?"

- "So you won't."

- "Get out of here."

An hour later, they tell me that my fate is decided and I will go to "Kritka".

They allegedly say that it doesn't matter.

But they wanted as many people as possible to write for a pardon, so that they even appeared on television.

They want to show that they were right, that they are real accordion players and hockey players, and these scoundrels were wrong.

Я маральна быў падрыхтаваны, што тэрмін могуць дакінуць. Я каханай сказаў, што пісаць прашэньне на памілаваньне ня буду, што б са мной ні рабілі. Яна мне кажа, што, магчыма, людзі б цябе зразумелі, калі б ты так зрабіў. «Людзі магчыма, але я сабе дараваць не змагу. Што мне людзі? А як мне з гэтым жыць? Ты рашай сама, як далей, але я гэтага рабіць ня буду». Яна мне сказала, што падтрымае мяне, што б я ні зрабіў. Мне тады стала лягчэй. А многія напісалі — і сядзяць. Я не пісаў і выйшаў, а яны сядзяць.

«Аляксандар Рыгоравіч, аўсяначку будзеце?»

— Якую Беларусь вы ўбачылі па вызваленьні?

— Такую, як і чакаў. Людзі ў страху і неразуменьні. Шмат хто гаворыць, што ўсё прапала, нічога ня будзе. А гэта ня так! Заўжды ёсьць узьлёт і падзеньне. Нічога не зьмянілася ў пазыцыі людзей да ўлады. Стаўленьне толькі пагоршылася, у тым ліку ў адміністрацыі, супрацоўнікаў калёніі, тых, хто возіць сталыпінскія вагоны. Яны не рэвалюцыянэры, але разумеюць, хто ёсьць хто. Яны дакладна разумеюць, што Лукашэнка нелегітымны, што ў краіне адбыўся канстытуцыйны пераварот, улада захопленая сілай. Але яны тлумачаць гэта тым, што ў Лукашэнкі выбару не было, бо тады б яго вазілі ў «сталыпіне», а ня нас. А тое, што выбары прайграў — так, прайграў.

Людзі крыху прыбітыя, і беспрацоўе, і ціск, на кожным рагу міліцыянт, запалоханае грамадзтва, усе шыфруюцца, ня кажуць шчыра думкі, асьцярожныя ў сацсетках. Больш стала нянавісьці ў многіх. Мне здаецца, што гэты страх яшчэ перавернецца ў актыўнасьць, але я ня ведаю пакуль, як і калі гэта будзе. Але гэты момант будзе, бо так наша жыцьцё ўладкаванае. У таталітарных рэжымаў сярэдні тэрмін жыцьця — 30 гадоў. Плюс вайна ва Ўкраіне, якая ўплывае на наша ўнутранае становішча. Лукашэнка разумее, што пераможа Зяленскі — яму канец, пераможа Пуцін — яму канец. А перамогуць дакладна ўкраінцы, я нават не сумняваюся. І тады мы скажам: «Добры дзень, Аляксандар Рыгоравіч, аўсяначку будзеце?»

«Хадзіў уладкавацца ў „раёнку“ галоўным рэдактарам»

— Калі вы прынялі рашэньне выяжджаць?

— Яшчэ ў турме. Мне ж трэба працаваць. Расказаць, што адбываецца там. Я разумеў, калі дам хоць адно інтэрвію, то паеду назад у Наваполацак. Я плянаваў выезд, але ня ведаў, як гэта будзе. У мяне была забарона на выезд. Наяжджалі, каб я знайшоў працу, хаця яе няма. Кажуць, ідзі шукай. Далі нейкі аркушык, каб там пісалі адмовы. Я зайшоў у нашу раённую бярозаўскую газэту «Маяк» і папрасіў, каб мяне ўзялі на пасаду галоўнага рэдактара, але мне адмовілі (сьмяецца).

— Што цяпер плянуеце рабіць?

— To restore the work of the "People's Reporter" channel.

There are many thoughts that went through my head while I was in prison.

I do not yet know the content that is required, but I will try to implement some ideas.

I will open people's eyes, show who is who.

The second task is to help people with all one's strength.

I got into work already.

It took almost a week to get to Vilnius.

The atmosphere here is absolutely crazy.

I expected it to be like that, but not like that!

So many acquaintances!

And call, and write, and interview.

- Tsikhanovskaya didn't offer you a job?

- I don't think that I will be invited there.

I'm not a professional, but more of an amateur (laughs).

And independence is important to me.

If you are under someone, there are limits and boundaries, and I don't want that.

Secure communication

with our editors.

HERE

Presidential elections - 2020 in Belarus.

What is important to know

• Шостыя ў гісторыі сувэрэннай Беларусі выбары прэзыдэнта прызначаныя на нядзелю, 9 жніўня 2020 году.
• 65-гадовы Аляксандар Лукашэнка кіруе дзяржавай 25 гадоў. Ніводныя прэзыдэнцкія выбары (2001, 2006, 2010, 2015), апроч першых (1994 год), не прызналі свабоднымі і справядлівымі на міжнародным узроўні.
• Старшыня ЦВК Лідзія Ярмошына адхіліла прапановы праваабаронцаў аб дыстанцыйных прэзыдэнцкіх выбарах у час эпідэміі COVID-19, бо «часу для прыняцьця гэтых захадаў ужо няма». Лукашэнка ня бачыў падставаў пераносіць выбары праз пандэмію.
• ЦВК зарэгістраваў 15 ініцыятыўных груп з 55 заявак.
• Аўтару YouTube-канала «Страна для жизни» Сяргею Ціханоўскаму Цэнтральная выбарчая камісія адмовіла ў рэгістрацыі ініцыятыўнай групы, бо ён адбываў 15 сутак арышту і ня мог асабіста падаць дакумэнты. Тады сваю ініцыятыўную групу ў ЦВК заявіла жонка блогера Сьвятлана Ціханоўская.
• 29 траўня на перадвыбарчым пікеце жонкі затрымалі Ціханоўскага і яшчэ 9 чалавек. Лукашэнка казаў пра акалічнасьці затрыманьня за 4 гадзіны да таго, як яно адбылося.
• 11 чэрвеня ў «Белгазпрамбанку» і шэрагу іншых кампаній прайшлі ператрусы. У Камітэце дзяржкантролю заявілі, што завялі крымінальныя справы аб легалізацыі сродкаў, атрыманых злачынным шляхам, і аб ухіленьні ад сплаты падаткаў у асабліва буйным памеры. Старшыня КДК Іван Тэртэль сьцьвярджаў, што да гэтых спраў мае дачыненьне патэнцыйны кандыдат у прэзыдэнты Віктар Бабарыка. Роўна за 4 гадзіны да заявы Дзяржкантролю Аляксандар Лукашэнка расказаў пра акалічнасьці «справы „Белгазпрамбанку“».
• 18 чэрвеня Віктара Бабарыку і яго сына, кіраўніка ініцыятыўнай групы Эдуарда Бабарыку затрымалі.

• On July 14, the CEC registered as presidential candidates

  Alexander Lukashenko

  ,

  Svetlana Tikhanovskaya

  ,

  Anna Kanapatskaya

  ,

  Andrey Dmitriev

  and

  Sergey Cherachny

  .

  Viktor Babarika

  and

  Valero

  Tsapkala were not registered

  .

• Since the beginning of the election campaign, human rights activists have counted more than 1,300 detainees: members of "solidarity chains", members of initiative groups, activists, politicians, bloggers, journalists and just passers-by on the street.

  Hundreds of people were punished with administrative arrests and fined.