Valbona Zeneli and Ilva Tare

The violent occupation of Ukraine, described by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz as a "Zeitenwende" as a dividing line, marks a turning point in Europe's foreign and security policy.

Similarly, after several years of stalemate, this may be the right moment for a "Zeitenwende" for the European Union Enlargement process.

The European Union and the transatlantic community have witnessed unparalleled unity and chose to condemn Russia's brutal and unprovoked war against Ukraine.

Support for Ukraine has been strong, while the United States has taken the lead in coordinating the transatlantic response, Germany announced plans to increase defense spending to 2% of Gross Domestic Product and set an additional € 100 billion for a special defense fund and Finland and Sweden have applied to join NATO.

The European Union has shown impressive unity in enforcing sanctions on Russia, agreeing to take important steps to promote energy independence from Russia, offering military assistance to a third country for the first time, opening its doors and sheltering. Ukrainian refugees and welcomed the application for membership in the European Union of Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova.

The Heads of Government and Council of Europe will meet on 23-24 June to decide whether the three Eastern Partnership countries, namely Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, will be offered candidate status.

Albania, Northern Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are also anxiously awaiting the important decisions of this summit.

The war in Ukraine should not distract the focus from the Western Balkans.

Rather, it should reinforce the need to include the region in the European family.

The "fatigue" of enlargement with the Western Balkans should not be used as an argument to block Ukraine, but the war in Ukraine should serve as a wake-up call and as an opportunity to revive enlargement as a political project to promote peace, stability and prosperity in Europe.

A project of security and prosperity

The European Union was created to integrate Europe after World War II by bringing Western European countries closer together with closer economic, political and social ties.

Since then, enlargement has been one of the most successful and far-sighted policies of the European Union.

This happened in 1970, when the wave of democratic consolidation spread across Europe, overthrowing the dictatorships in Greece, Portugal and Spain, while the institutions of the European Union transferred large sums of money to the poorer areas of Europe to strengthen the development, opening up new jobs and improve infrastructure.

In 1990, similar strategies were pursued in Eastern European countries after the fall of the Berlin Wall, injecting large investments into their economies, promoting regional cooperation,

Since 2013, when Croatia became a member of the European Union, the enlargement process has faltered through technicalities, while public confidence in the Western Balkans has been shattered and political will has given way to "fatigue" from enlargement.

Enlargement is vital to Europe's future

The revival of the enlargement process is in the interest of the EU and its member states, as it would bring about a positive transformation, new reforms and new energy in the European Union.

The EU will not be able to remain a powerful geopolitical actor in the world unless it turns out to be a credible player in the Western Balkans.

Accelerating the accession process for the region should be seen as "a means of responding to foreign actors with malignant intentions" and drawing "lessons from the war in Ukraine," as European Parliament President Roberta Metsola put it.

Any delay in the region's rapid integration into the Euro-Atlantic community would widen the power vacuum and allow malignant actors to increase influence by creating disorientation and uncertainty in the EU backyard.

Russia is not a new player in the region, it operates as a "plan breaker" that takes advantage of domestic socio-economic and ethical issues, and engages in disinformation campaigns to promote its economic and diplomatic theories and interests.

Any scenario that keeps the region outside the European Union would be dangerous to European security and would undermine the EU's credibility on the world stage.

Given its geostrategic position, the Western Balkans should be considered very important by the EU and the transatlantic community.

The engagement of NATO countries in the region is critical to the security of the transatlantic community, as evidenced by the Defender Europe 21 military exercise.

NATO has been a pillar of stability and transformation in a fragile region.

However, security goes beyond the military field and requires strong civil-military cooperation, economic development and social stability.

At this point, the EU's role is crucial.

The Western Balkans should be seen as part of European solutions to the energy, trade and food crisis situation.

The strategic importance of the Adriatic seaports is essential for the Russian blockade of trade routes in the Black Sea, but it is also for the potential that the transport of liquefied natural gas can create for energy diversification in the EU.

It is vital that the EU invests in strategic infrastructure projects in the Western Balkans to increase interconnection by addressing both China's binding economic impact and energy diversification to increase the sustainability of Russian gas monopolies.

This is a unique opportunity for the EU to transform the countries of the Western Balkans into full participants in the security issues of the European Union.

Over the past decade, the argument of "fatigue" from enlargement has been used as an excuse, but the brutal occupation of Ukraine served as an alarm bell for citizens and leaders to become aware that attacks by dictators can be carried out at any time and for no reason. .

It was a sudden reminder of the values ​​of freedom and democracy, taken for granted by European integration, NATO and its transatlantic partners with the US.

European and Western Balkan leaders must use this moment of public and political support to guide the accession process to the foundations of the values ​​of security and democracy.

This is also the right moment to synchronize the transatlantic strategy for the Western Balkans, as the US administration is reviving joint efforts to promote Euro-Atlantic integration in the region.

A common transatlantic strategy, with US-Germany relations as the backbone of the alliance, should focus on key areas such as the region's Euro-Atlantic integration, bilateral dispute resolution, sustainability, strategic competitors, economic development and energy security.

EU enlargement as a tool for real transformation

It is important for the EU to focus on key issues such as the rule of law, democracy and good governance, as well as increasing accountability for reforms.

Every country in the region aspiring to join the EU must make clear decisions to follow European principles and to join the European Union's foreign and security policy decisions.

The EU should not unconditionally support aspiring countries that use symbolic terms and gestures, but should become a force that produces measurable transformation and holds members and candidates accountable for their actions.

It is necessary to start EU talks with Albania and Northern Macedonia, grant Ukraine candidate status to potential candidates in the Western Balkans (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo) and speed up the process for the negotiating countries.

The opening of talks will not be enough if there is no support with economic development programs and without strong investments, which will transform the infrastructure and improve living conditions for the citizens of the Western Balkans as well as increase the sustainability and quality of liaison with European Union countries.

Any alternative beyond full EU membership, such as the proposal for political and economic communities, should be seen as complementary and not otherwise an option on the path to membership.

Other options could be seen as repeated mistakes from the past (the case of the 2014 enlargement moratorium) that would undermine the process, lower expectations towards the EU open door policy and ultimately be a major victory for Putin in the strategic competition between democracies and autocracies.